Initial Position
From an outsiderâs perspective, barriers are a large and integral part of the culture of mobility in Nairobi. The abundance of barriers is imme- diately obvious through the poverty, incomplete infrastructure, and difficulties with inpidual transportation that are visible all over city.
Working from the starting point of âGetting To and From Workâ, the research involved a wide scope of interpretation of what constitutes the barriers on the way to and from work. Barriers involved in transporta- tion to and from work, work itself, and daily rituals are indistinguishable from each other. Poverty, an example that takes center stage in our study, is influenced by the inpidualâs job, and at the same time influences the morning rituals, which in turn effects the preparation time in the morning, and the time that one leaves for their physical way to work. Irregular jobs, and suboptimal living conditions add even more difficulties, and complication into the mix.
The prominence of the informal economy in Nairobi also implied an unusual spectrum of interpretation of the word work. Since such a small percentage of the population engage in formal jobs, the term âworkâ was interpreted as changes or actions taken to fulfill fundamental and subsidiary needs, and barriers toward fulfilling fundamental needs were also included.
Objectives
Taking the special working and living situations in Nairobi, and the wider spectrum of factors affecting the way to and from work in Nairobi into account, the research topic was refined into a cultural study of the barriers, and rituals on the way to work in Nairobi. The intention was to gain a deeper understanding of the culture of Mobility towards fulfilling needs in Nairobi through the inspection and interpretation of barriers.
Methods
The main part of this study was conducted through interaction with 7 cultural representatives, living in the same corridor in Kibera, the largest slum in Africa. These respondents first answered introductory questions about their rituals and barriers on the way to work, and were then asked to document their daily rituals through use of a single-use camera. Following this, interviews were conducted with the respondents about the photographs they took, and with a detailed questionnaire. The focus of this part of the research was on barriers and rituals in the lives of these inpiduals.
Subsidiary research was conducted through experiences and observation on the streets of the city. This area was largely focused on human and vehicular traffic, and the barriers they face.
Results
The research revealed a wide array of barriers on all different scales: inpidual to cultural, physical to emotional, poverty to wealth, infrastructure-wide to inpidual cases. At the same time, it revealed a close interaction between the different scales of barriers.
However, the research also revealed the resilience of the people of Nairobi to many barriers to mobility. This was shown in numerous examples found in the research. In the way the cultural representa- tives interpreted and spoke about their barriers, where overarching barriers were omitted or barely mentioned, but subsidiary, and infre- quent barriers composed the main portion of their responses. Lack of water, an example that is visible in the photo essays of all of our respondents, was hardly mentioned in our interaction with them. Physical barriers on the streets are dealt with so directly and proac- tively that the almost become invisible to the residents of the city.
Conclusions
The interpretation and interaction with barriers present a strength of resilience that seems to be unique to developing societies, and informal economies. The harvesting of these resilience techniques opens a wide array of opportunities for change, and development. Application of the harvested results within the local culture could save time, and energy, therefore increasing productivity and devel- opment. In a developed society, such as Germany, it could revive and reteach a resilient spirit that has long been forgotten.
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